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President Biden has spent much of 2024 with a more challenging path to winning a second presidential term in November than Donald Trump. But for reasons that have become glaringly obvious, that path has all but vanished.
Mr. Trump is now the clear front-runner to be the next president of the United States.
As I did for Times Opinion in April, I’ve drawn on my years as a Democratic strategist to look at polling, advertising and campaign spending in the key states in this election. As several maps illustrate below, I’ve never seen such a grim Electoral College landscape for Mr. Biden: He not only faces losing battleground states he won in 2020, he is also at risk of losing traditional Democratic states like Minnesota and New Hampshire, which Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama carried. If current trends continue, Mr. Trump could rack up one of the most decisive presidential victories since 2008.
Mr. Biden’s problems run much deeper than one bad debate. By spring, he had the lowest job approval average of any recent president seeking re-election since George H.W. Bush in 1992. His support has dropped by nearly a net 10 points since the 2022 midterm elections.
The Biden campaign hoped to change this political dynamic by calling for a historic early debate in June. What made Mr. Biden’s poor debate performance so devastating was that it reinforced voters’ strongest negative idea about his candidacy: that he is simply too old to run for re-election. In a New York Times/Siena College poll conducted after the debate, 74 percent of respondents said Mr. Biden was too old to govern another term in office.
Due to his worsening political situation, Mr. Biden now has only one narrow path to winning 270 electoral votes and the presidency in November, a more dire situation than he faced when I looked at his potential paths in April and a reality his campaign acknowledged in a strategy memo on Thursday.
If Mr. Biden cannot demonstrate that he is still up to the job of being president, and do it soon — with a vision for where he wants to lead the country — it won’t matter what the voters think about Mr. Trump when the fall election begins.
As 2024 began, the presidential campaign looked to be a repeat of the 2020 and 2016 elections, with the same battleground states determining the outcome. Not anymore.
Mr. Trump started the general election campaign this spring with a secure base of 219 electoral votes, compared with 226 votes for Mr. Biden. Either man needs 270 electoral votes to win. The race looked like it would come down to the same seven battleground states (totaling 93 electoral votes) that determined the outcome of the last two presidential elections.
Mr. Trump is in a substantially stronger position today than he was when I analyzed the race in April.
The map of states where Mr. Trump is favored has expanded. He now has a clear lead over Mr. Biden in the four Sun Belt battleground states: Arizona, Georgia, Nevada and North Carolina. (Mr. Trump won three of these states in 2016; Mr. Biden won three in 2020.)
If Mr. Trump maintains his advantage in those four states, he will have a total of 268 electoral votes — only two short of the 270 needed to win the election.
All Mr. Trump would need to win is one of the three remaining battleground states: Michigan … … Pennsylvania … … or Wisconsin. If Mr. Trump were to carry all three of these states he would win decisively, with 312 electoral votes.
Since his victory in 2020, Mr. Biden has suffered a significant decline in voter support across the board. Any state that he won by 10 percentage points or less in 2020 should now be considered up for grabs. In a sign of how much Mr. Biden’s political position has deteriorated, the map of states where he is clearly favored has contracted, for a total of only 191 electoral votes.
There are five traditionally solid Democratic states where Mr. Biden is feared to be losing, struggling or only narrowly ahead.
These states, which total 36 electoral votes, have been safely part of the Democratic Party base in recent years. Maine has voted for the Democratic nominee in the last eight elections, Minnesota every time since 1972, New Hampshire for the last five elections, New Mexico in every election except one since 1988, and Virginia in the last four elections. (Mr. Biden will also need to defend Nebraska’s Second Congressional District, which he won by more than six points in 2020, in order to win the election.)
If Mr. Biden were to lose these states and the seven battlegrounds, Mr. Trump would win with 347 electoral votes — the largest presidential electoral victory since 2008. Assuming that Mr. Biden could hold these five states only brings his total back up to 226 electoral votes — 44 short of the 270 he needs to get re-elected. Unless the basic contours of the race change and some of the Sun Belt battleground states become more competitive (which is unlikely), Mr. Biden’s only viable path for winning is to carry Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.
Each of the three states poses particular challenges for Mr. Biden. Current polling shows him trailing Mr. Trump by as many as five points in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin and more narrowly in Michigan.
The deficit in Pennsylvania must be particularly disconcerting for Mr. Biden and his campaign, given the time and resources devoted to the state. He has made 10 visits since the beginning of this election cycle and has outspent Mr. Trump and his supporters on network television ads by a margin of over two to one in the last 30 days, according to an analysis by the ad-tracking firm AdImpact.
Michigan poses other obstacles for Mr. Biden. It is near the bottom third of states in the country when ranked by the percentage of people with college degrees; inflation has hit Michigan working-class voters hard and influenced their views of the economy and the election. The war in Gaza has also hurt Mr. Biden among the 300,000 Arab voters in the state who overwhelmingly supported him in 2020. And third-party voters were decisive in Mr. Trump’s victory in Michigan in 2016: This year, multiple states will include Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and the Green Party candidate Jill Stein on ballots.
Of all the battleground states, Mr. Biden had been performing best in Wisconsin. Voters’ perception of the economy had been more favorable there than in other battleground states. However, in two polls released this week, Mr. Trump has pulled ahead of Mr. Biden. Ms. Stein is on the ballot, increasing the challenge for Mr. Biden in liberal areas like Madison.
Republicans clearly understand that these three battleground states are Mr. Biden’s only remaining path to 270 electoral votes. A Miriam Adelson-backed super PAC just committed to spending $61 million to support Mr. Trump in these three states.
Mr. Biden, by leveraging his support among Black and Hispanic leaders, progressives and labor unions, has so far been able to neutralize efforts to remove him from the Democratic ticket.
But he has not dealt with voters’ fundamental concerns that he does not have the physical and mental capacity to take on Mr. Trump, or to serve another full term as president.
In the upcoming weeks, if Mr. Biden is unable to excel at the basic activities of running for office — a robust schedule of spontaneous campaign events, regular television interviews and periodic news conferences — calls for his removal from the Democratic ticket will intensify.
If Mr. Biden stays in the race and fails to unify his party, it will soon be too late to change the trajectory of his campaign and the tough Electoral College map.
At that point, Democrats in Congress would likely adopt a similar strategy to the one Republicans used in 1996, when it was clear President Bill Clinton would win a second term. That year, their fall campaign centered on voting for the Republicans to check Mr. Clinton’s powers during his inevitable second term as president.
If Mr. Biden has any chance of beating Mr. Trump and not taking the Democratic Party down with him, he must demonstrate in the next few weeks that he has the mental and physical capabilities to lead the county for another term in office.
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Newly armed with deep-strike missiles, Kyiv is trying to degrade Russian abilities on the peninsula, aiming at airfields, air defenses and logistics hubs.
A woman paying tribute to those who died when debris from an intercepted Ukrainian missile fell on a beach last month near the Crimean city of Sevastopol.Credit…Yuri Kochetkov/EPA, via Shutterstock
By Marc Santora
In a clear night sky above the shores of Odesa, the faint glow from missiles streaks over the Black Sea.
For much of the war, it was one-way traffic, with Russia using the occupied Crimean Peninsula first as a launchpad for its full-scale invasion and then as a staging ground for routine aerial bombardments.
Ukraine, now armed with American-made precision missiles, is for the first time capable of reaching every corner of Crimea — and the missiles are increasingly flying in both directions.
It is a new strategic push as Kyiv seeks to raise the cost for Russian occupation forces that have long used the peninsula as a base of operations just off Ukraine’s southern coast.
While it is unlikely to have much effect on the front line, Ukraine’s campaign with the long-range version of the Army Tactical Missile Systems, known as ATACMS, appears meant to force the Kremlin to make difficult choices about where to deploy some of its most valuable air defenses to protect critical military infrastructure.
At the NATO summit in Washington this past week, President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine said the Crimean campaign would have limited effect as long as Moscow can move its bombers to the safety of air bases deep in Russia. He pressed the Biden administration to lift restrictions so Kyiv can extend its strikes deep into Russia.
Since the arrival of the ATACMS this spring, the Ukrainian military has claimed to have destroyed or damaged at least 15 Russian long-range air defense systems in Crimea. Among those are the powerful S-300 and S-400 batteries, Moscow’s version of the American Patriot air defense system.
Over the past three months, commercial satellite imagery examined by military analysts has confirmed damage to Russian radar installations, electronic warfare assets, logistics routes and air fields.
“It is definitely fair to say the Ukrainians have had pretty impressive successes over the past couple of months,” said Justin Bronk, a senior research fellow for air power and technology at the Royal United Services Institute in London who has studied the satellite imagery.
It is impossible to confirm every Ukrainian claim, and throughout the war, Mr. Bronk said, new high-tech weapons have generally become less effective as the Russians adapt and Ukrainian stockpiles dwindle.
The strikes on Crimea are also likely to have a minimal effect on the fighting on the front, especially in eastern Ukraine, where the heaviest battles are taking place and where Russian forces continue to gain ground.
The attacks on the peninsula that use Western weapons have drawn Russia’s ire, prompting it to warn the United States of the “consequences” it will face for providing advanced weapons to Kyiv.
Related in part to these warnings, several American bases in Europe were recently put on a heightened state of alert, according to two U.S. military officials and one senior Western intelligence official. The bases, including the U.S. Army garrison in Stuttgart, Germany, where the headquarters of the U.S. European Command are, were apparently concerned about potential Russian sabotage.
The officials spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter publicly.
Crimea holds deep political, symbolic and military value for President Vladimir V. Putin, who has called it Russia’s “holy land,” placing it at the center of his false narrative that Ukraine is part of Russia.
Since illegally annexing Crimea in 2014, Moscow has heavily invested in expanding its military footprint. From Sevastopol in the west to Kerch in the east, military installations have been spotted dotting both coastal areas and hidden within mountainous enclaves. Used to create an image of Russia as a great power, the Kremlin has also poured resources into making it a tourist destination.
Crimea helps to sustain the Russian occupation in southern Ukraine and is packed with land-based missile systems used to target Ukrainian cities and towns. Penetrating Russia’s robust air defenses remains challenging, but this summer, Ukraine was able to launch the same kind of assaults aimed at overwhelming and confusing the air defenses that it has been defending against for years.
In a multipronged attack starting on May 29, Ukraine used domestically produced air and sea drones, Western cruise missiles and ATACMS to overwhelm advanced Russian air defenses, the Ukrainian military and intelligence services said.
The attack damaged two ferries that played a critical roll in the military supply chain between Russia and Crimea, a result confirmed by satellite imagery reviewed by military analysts, British military intelligence, Ukrainian officials and, in part, by local Russian officials.
“The Ukrainian strike on the ferry crossings and a subsequent attack on a nearby fuel depot, highlights again the vulnerability of the Strait to Ukrainian interdiction, despite Russia’s significant investment in security and air defense,” the British military intelligence agency said in a statement a week after the assault.
A senior U.S. official who closely tracks the war said Ukraine was using the American-supplied long-range missiles “very effectively.”
The official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss ongoing operations, said Ukraine had enough ATACMS to keep up the Crimea campaign, adding that munitions were being replenished on a continuous basis.
While not providing exact numbers, the official said the United States was sending “scores” of missiles, but not “hundreds.”
Continued attacks on Russian air defenses could force Moscow to move some warplanes from Crimea “or risk losing more aircraft,” the British military intelligence agency reported.
Ukraine is pressing the Biden administration to lift restrictions so it can extend the campaign to target air bases deep inside Russia, limiting the number of places Russian bombers can find sanctuary.
“Imagine how much we can achieve when all limitations are lifted,” Mr. Zelensky said in a speech this past week at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute in Washington.
Ben Hodges, a former commander of the U.S. Army Europe who has long advocated giving Ukraine long-range strike abilities, said he was impressed with the Ukrainian targeting methodology since the arrival of the ATACMS.
“They are doing what we would be doing,” he said. “Going after air defenses to set the groundwork for whatever is coming next.”
F-16 fighter jets provided by the West are expected to start flying in the skies above Ukraine in limited numbers this summer, but their effectiveness would be limited if Russia’s air defenses remained intact.
“If you want your drones or F-16s or any other asset to come in and hit big targets, you need to clear the way,” Mr. Hodges said.
Russia has responded to the uptick in attacks on Crimea by bringing in air defense systems from Kaliningrad and other parts of the country, according to Ukrainian and Western officials.
The Kremlin also dispatched its S-500 Prometheus air defense system to the battlefield for the first time, the head of Ukraine’s military intelligence agency, Gen. Kyrylo Budanov, told reporters last month.
Janes, a defense intelligence company in London, said that its analysts visually confirmed the deployment of at least the radar component of the S-500 to Crimea.
Russia still has robust air defenses, as was evident during a recent attack that appeared to be aimed at the Belbek air base just north of Sevastopol. Debris from an intercepted Ukrainian missile fell on a nearby beach, killing five civilians and injuring dozens more, according to Russian officials.
Russia immediately blamed the United States for the deaths, and the Kremlin summoned the American ambassador in Moscow. The Russian Defense Ministry warned that the strikes in Crimea were raising the “risk of direct confrontation between the alliance and the Russian Federation.”
But Ukraine shows no sign of slowing its campaign in Crimea, and residents there who were reached by secure messaging apps said the usual summer crowds of tourists were noticeably thinner.
While people still go to the beaches, one person said, some now wear badges with their name, home address and contacts for their next of kin.
Eric Schmitt contributed reporting from Washington, and Anna Sikorska from Kyiv, Ukraine. Nataliia Novosolova and Anastasia Kuznietsova contributed research.
Marc Santora has been reporting from Ukraine since the beginning of the war with Russia. He was previously based in London as an international news editor focused on breaking news events and earlier the bureau chief for East and Central Europe, based in Warsaw. He has also reported extensively from Iraq and Africa. More about Marc Santora
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